Expert answer:Green River Key Characteristics of Each Period of


Solved by verified expert:Please answer the following questions by writing short essay responses. The response should be written in complete and coherent sentences. Each response should be at least 3-4 full paragraphs but may be longer if necessary. Each paragraph is 4-5 sentences. 1.Please provide 2 examples of visual appropriation. For each image you will need to: identify the image, describe the specific motif / visual program / technique being appropriated, and describe why it is being appropriated. Your examples can be drawn from any medium.2.Compare and contrast Romanesque and Gothic architecture. What are the different architectural and structural characteristics (be specific) and how did Christianity influence these changes in style? Be as detailed as possible. Reference specific buildings and people from lectures and readings.Read the attachment reading, then answering the following questions with short response each. The responses should be 3-5 sentences long and written in complete and coherent sentences. 1. Please explain the key characteristics of each period of Ancient Greek art.2. Name two art objects that were part of or used within ritual practices. Identify your examples, the specific ritual or practice, and how your examples functioned within these rituals.3. Describe the purpose and function of the Lamassu from Ashurnasirpal II’s Palace in Nimrud.4. Explain the symbolic importance of the Pyramids of Giza in Ancient Egypt. 5. What is hierarchical scale? Please cite two artworks as examples?6. Please define what is spolia, and provide one work as an example and how it uses spolia.DON NOT DIRECTLY COPY AND PASTE ANY DEFINITION ONLINE, PLEASE USE YOUR OWN WORD IN DESCRIBING ANY TERMS!

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Journal of Social Archaeology
Copyright © 2008 SAGE Publications (
ISSN 1469-6053 Vol 8(2): 272–295 DOI: 10.1177/1469605308089973
Shape shifting lizard people, Israelite slaves,
and other theories of pyramid building
Notes on labor, nationalism, and archaeology in Egypt
Department of Anthropology, Macquarie University, Australia
At the turn of the millennium, Egypt prepared for a vast New Year
celebration on the Giza Plateau, amidst rumors about the Masonic
symbolism of the planned party. At the same time, Egyptologists were
excavating the tombs of the pyramid builders of Giza and billing these
as proof that the pyramids were built by Egyptian nationals, not
Israelite slaves. Both were topics of fierce local political debate about
the external appropriation of Egypt’s national monuments. Based on
ethnographic research in Giza and Cairo and analysis of popular
publications by and about Egyptologists, this article explores the links
between Egyptology, Egyptian nationalism, and theories about the
labor force that built the pyramids. It shows how debates over pyramid
building and conspiracy theories about the millennium celebrations
resonate in both the historical context of European imperialism in
Egypt and current international political tensions. It examines
archaeological accounts of the relationship between the pyramid
builders and ancient state building, and the parallels between
such accounts and the discipline’s contemporary relationship with
Theories of pyramid building
archaeological labor. It concludes by asking whether Egyptologists,
both Egyptian and foreign, have not only a nationalist but also a disciplinary interest in particular narratives of the labor that built the
conspiracy theories ● Egyptology ● Freemasonry ● Giza ● labor ●
nationalism ● politics of archaeology ● pyramid builders ● pyramids
In 1990, a horse carrying an American tourist on Egypt’s Giza Plateau next
to the pyramids stumbled over some mud-bricks that would eventually be
revealed as the remains of a large cemetery for the workers and artisans
who labored on the pyramids (Hawass, 1997: 39). The discovery was an
important one in the history of Egyptology, which had long sought archaeological evidence of the Giza pyramid builders. In 1883, Petrie had claimed
to have found part of the barracks of the laborers (David, 1986: 59; Petrie,
1883: 101–3); in the 1930s, Selim Hassan explored what he considered to be
the remains of the workmen’s village (Hawass, 1987: 402), and during excavations from 1971 to 1975, Karl Kromer discovered what seemed to be
settlement debris in a different location (Hawass, 1987; Kromer, 1978), but
none of these sites had been fully excavated or verified as the remains of a
workers’ settlement. Little was known about the labor force that built the
pyramids beyond Herodotus’ somewhat dubious claims – that 100,000 men
built them, and the outsides of the pyramids were inscribed with a tally of
the number of onions and radishes used to feed the labor force (Fagan,
1975) – and what could be extrapolated or inferred from a few other excavations of ancient Egyptian monument-builder workforces (at Kahun in
Fayoum, at Deir el Medina, and at Tell el-Amarna; see David, 1986: 58 and
Hawass, 1987: 403). The tourist’s accident was reported to the antiquities
inspectorate on the Giza Plateau, and shortly after the tourist’s accidental
find, excavations began, with Egyptian Egyptologist and Director of the
Giza and Saqqara antiquities Zahi Hawass overseeing the excavations of
the tombs of the pyramid builders,1 while the nearby excavation of a
workshop, bakery and brewery for the workers was headed up by Hawass’
American colleague, Mark Lehner.2
But well before – and even after – excavations began, the composition
of the workforce of pyramid builders and the sort of social organization
that made ancient Egyptian monumental building possible has been a
screen on which many have projected their speculations of the past and
Journal of Social Archaeology 8(2)
imagined contemporary links to ancient civilizations. Egyptologists have
debated whether conscripted labor was the equivalent of slavery and what
brought foreign workers to ancient Egyptian workforces. Cinematic
portrayals of ancient Israelite slave labor have sparked boycotts. And for
more than a century and a half, bestselling books have purveyed outlandish
mystical imaginations of the pyramid builders, from colonies of Atlantis to
aliens from outer space. (In 1975, Paula Lutz concluded a witty review of
one such publication prophetically: ‘To paraphrase King Solomon, there
seems to be no end to the making of such books.’)
In this article, I present two vignettes from my anthropological research
on the Giza Plateau that portray some of the contemporary politics
involved in imagining the labor forces of the past. The first explores conspiracy theories that circulated in cyberspace and in the local Egyptian
media in 1999, as Egypt prepared for a grand millennium celebration on
the Giza Plateau. The second looks at Egyptological interpretations of the
ongoing excavations of the tombs of the Giza pyramid builders in light of
contemporary Egyptian–Israeli political tensions. I then analyze what
Menachem Begin’s beliefs about who built the pyramids have in common
with Illuminati theorists, exploring the interrelation between Egyptian
nationalism and accounts of the labor force that built the pyramids. I build
on a body of literature that explores the interconnections between archaeological theory and practice, links between archaeology and nationalism,
and the appropriation of the archaeological project to serve political ends.3
In this article, I want to focus in particular on the politics of interpretations
of monumental labor. Somewhat more provocatively, I also query
Egyptology’s disciplinary interest in a nationalist interpretation of the labor
of both pyramid builders and pyramid excavators.
On the eve of the millennium, cities around the world competed to have
the grandest New Year’s Eve party. It was a guaranteed bonanza for the
tourism industry. Cairo offered a 12-hour concert by Jean-Michel Jarre at
the Giza pyramids from sunset to sunrise. The concert was to reach its
climax at midnight when, accompanied by Jarre’s music and a light image
of the Eye of Horus projected onto the side of the pyramid, a helicopter
would lower a light-emitting gilded pyramidion (a pyramid capstone) onto
the Great Pyramid (Cheops or Khufu), which would shine light onto all of
the revelers (Al-Akhbār, 1999).
However, the widely advertised midnight capstone ritual was cancelled
shortly before the event amidst a series of local press attacks on the concert
Theories of pyramid building
organizers, the Ministry of Culture, and Dr Zahi Hawass, then Director
General of the Giza Plateau (and currently Secretary General of the
Supreme Council of Antiquities, SCA). The local press was preceded in its
attack on the symbolism of the capstone ritual by various obscure conspiracy
theorists, whose websites started prophesying messianic or apocalyptic
events that were to culminate in 1999 and 2000 with dark forces using the
pyramids as a focal point for nebulous rituals of evil. People such as Texe
Marrs and David Icke elaborated dark theories about an ‘Illuminati elite’
out to rule the world through secret millennial rites linked to ancient Egypt.
The Illuminati, in conspiracy theorese, are a secret elite group who trace
their ancestry to the Bavarian Illuminati, an eighteenth-century secret
society, and infiltrate and manipulate global institutions in their efforts to
control world government(s) (Barkun, 2006). David Icke’s version of the
Illuminati theory, c.1999, connected the pyramids with a race of humanreptilian hybrid shape shifters (including former US presidents George
Bush and Bill Clinton, the British royal family, Egyptian president Hosni
Mubarak, and other world leaders) who inbreed to maintain their bloodlines and rule the world through brainwashing mind control, human sacrifice, and ritual child abuse (Icke, 1999). These Illuminati, Icke argues,
project the appearance of a human form, but their true form is reptilian,
and they must drink human blood to maintain their ability to shift between
human and reptilian forms at will. The metaphorical appeal of a theory that
describes politicians as inbreeding reptilian shape shifters whose global
domination is founded on the blood of innocents is perhaps obvious, but
Icke, a well-known British conspiracy theorist, insists in the literal truth of
his theory (see Barkun, 2006, for an academic treatment of Icke and other
conspiracy theorists).
On the eve of the turn of the millennium, Icke elaborated a variant of
his general theory that focused on the upcoming millennium celebrations
in Egypt. Icke argued that the planned capstone ritual at the Giza pyramids
was the symbolic culmination of an evil Masonic conspiracy to usher in
a new age of heavy solar activity that would drive the shape shifting reptilian mind control over the planet. On his website in 1999, Icke reminded
his readers that the pyramid topped by a glowing capstone with an eye in
it (which he identified as the Eye of Horus that would be projected on the
side of the pyramid while the capstone was lowered) was an important
element of Masonic symbolism that was associated with political power in
the USA, as seen by its adoption as one of the symbols on the US dollar
bill. (Several of the designers of the US currency were Freemasons.)
According to Icke, Masonic symbolism equated with ‘Illuminati symbolism
which spans the ages of the pyramid with the capstone missing . . . The
pyramid and all seeing eye – the shining capstone and eye which represents
the force which controls the world’ (, consulted
December 1999).
Journal of Social Archaeology 8(2)
Icke also referred readers to Texe Marrs’ website, ‘Power of Prophecy’,
which sells Illuminati conspiracy theories with a fundamentalist Christian,
anti-Semitic twist. Marrs, too, foresaw a millennial conspiracy at the
pyramids, but without the lizard people. For only $19.95, Marrs offered
readers an ‘insight-filled video’ that contained information about ‘the
Illuminati’s dark plan to usher in the new millennium by conducting a
Luciferian “black mass” deep inside the bowels of the Great Pyramid in
Egypt’ (Marrs, 1999).
The local Egyptian press ignored the reptilian shape shifter theories, but
seized on the Masonic symbolism of the planned capstone event. In particular, a journalist from the opposition newspaper al-Shaab announced
that Jarre’s concert and the capstone ceremony were aspects of a
Zionist–Masonic plot to infiltrate Egypt. Journalist Ali al-Qumahi was
joined by more authoritative voices, including two Egyptian Egyptologists,
Dr Ali Radwan and Dr Abdelhalim Nour el-Din, who both spoke out
against the project. They offered two reasons for objecting to the capstone
ritual. One was the concern about the risk of damage to the Great Pyramid
if a large object were to be lowered onto the monument at night by helicopter. But these two respected Egyptologists – Radwan was a professor
of Egyptology at the University of Cairo and Nour el-Din was a former
General Secretary of the Supreme Council of Antiquities and subsequently
the Chair of the Department of Archaeology at Cairo University – also
cited the Masonic symbolism of the pyramid’s capstone in their objections
to the ceremony. Amidst such criticism, the capstone ritual was shelved,
though the rest of the millennium celebrations took place as planned.
From 1999 to 2001, I conducted ethnographic fieldwork in Egypt on the
topic of travel and transnational meeting-grounds (including Western and
Gulf tourism, Egyptology, and belly dance). One of my key field sites was
the offices of the archaeology inspectorate at the Giza pyramids complex,
overseen by Dr Zahi Hawass. Inside the cool, somewhat dusty offices of the
inspectorate and out in the sun on the pyramids plateau, a contingent of
Egyptian archaeologists and students supported Hawass’ research or
worked on their own projects. I volunteered my services in these offices,
typing and copyediting Hawass’ popular archaeology column for the
English-language al-Ahram newspaper from hand-written drafts he jotted
on yellow legal pads. In exchange, Hawass permitted me to conduct my
ethnographic research at the site.
When I started my research and volunteer work on the Giza Plateau in
January 2000, Dr Hawass was still talking about the negative attention he
had recently received in the press over the planned capstone ritual. He was
not one of the organizers of the millennium celebrations, but was attacked,
apparently because of his connection with the Giza monuments. It was the
latest in a string of conspiracy theories centering around the Giza pyramids
and the Sphinx with which Hawass had contended. Such theories circulate
Theories of pyramid building
regularly on the Internet and seem to come in waves, reaching crescendo
point before ebbing for a time. The cyber-conspiracy theories reached one
such climax in 1997 and 1998, because Edgar Cayce had predicted that the
Atlantean Hall of Records would be found in a secret chamber under
the paws of the Sphinx in the year 1998. When it became apparent that the
discovery was not forthcoming, Internet rumors sprang up about an
Egyptian plot to block excavations, with some speculating that a secret
chamber was already known to the Egyptian government and Zahi Hawass,
who were hiding its existence from the rest of the world (Wynn, 2007). The
rumors peaked again in the months prior to the millennium celebration.
As my research on the Plateau progressed, it soon became apparent that
Hawass and many of the other Egyptologists – of all nationalities – who
intersected at the site were fully aware of the multiple imaginations of the
pyramids, from conspiracy theories circulating in cyberspace to theories
about ancient labor with poignant political resonance. Some of the
Egyptologists laughed at the popular theories; others ignored or professed
exasperation with them. Hawass, though, was fiercely engaged in a project
to convert a popular audience over to the orthodox Egyptological narrative of the past. For example, he described to me how in the late 1990s he
had appeared on the paranormal-themed radio show of Art Bell to dispute
theories about aliens building the pyramids. Another time, he staged a savvy
public relations stunt to debunk the idea that the geometrical shape of the
pyramid naturally preserves life: he put one chunk of raw meat inside his
office and another inside one of the Giza pyramids and, after several days,
compared them both in the presence of journalists to show that the meat
left in the pyramid had rotted as much or more than the piece left in his
office (Wynn, 2007). In slide show talks he gave before tourist audiences,
he took to showing a slide of his office’s neat, pink-tiled bathroom to make
the humorous point that there was no secret tunnel running from his
bathroom to a secret chamber below the pyramids, as some conspiracy
theorist had claimed. Hawass’ bookshelves were stocked with books by
alternative pyramid theorists, and during my year of fieldwork on the Giza
Plateau, he often lectured for tourist audiences and for journalists (both
Egyptians and foreigners), frequently framing his remarks as the debunking of the theories of ‘pyramidiots’, as he liked to call them.
When I asked him about the capstone ritual and why it had not been
carried out, Hawass was indignant, blasting the Masonic and Illuminati
conspiracy theories. He defended the lowering of the capstone onto the
Great Pyramid not as a Masonic rite but as a ‘pharaonic national ritual’.
Marshalling the evidence of archaeological finds, he pointed out that
capstones had been found in Dahshour and next to the Pyramid of Khufu.
Old Kingdom decorations from the Tomb of Sahure depicted a golden
capstone being dragged towards the pyramid while in neighboring registers
groups of male and female dancers perform, presumably as part of the
Journal of Social Archaeology 8(2)
celebrations for completing the pyramid (Hawass and Verner, 1996: 181).
This proved, Hawass argued, that topping the pyramid with a gold
pyramidion was a time for the nation to celebrate the completion of their
national project (Ghı̄sh, 1999). It was no Masonic–Zionist infiltration, but
a pharaonic ritual of national unity. ‘The pyramidion is a 100% Egyptian
idea,’ proclaimed a newspaper headline in the state-controlled Arabic press.
Hawass was quoted as saying to a journalist (Mūsā, 1999):
The idea of placing a pyramidion atop the Pyramid of Khufu for the
celebration of the world’s third millennium and Egypt’s seventh has no
connection with any foreign groups, and the drawing on the American dollar
is a false representation of the pyramidions which were placed atop
pyramids during the Middle Kingdom.
Hawass’ arguments echoed the Egyptian public relations campaign for
the millennium event, which held that, while the rest of the world was
celebrating the beginning of the third millennium, Egypt was entering its
seventh millennium of civilization. Deliberate parallels between the
pharaonic state and the contemporary Egyptian state (by repeatedly referring to the building of the pyramid as a ‘project of national unity’ and
likening it to the contemporary military draft) emphasized the pyramidion
project as a national(ist) ceremony, while downplaying any possible hint of
pagan pharaonic ritual.
Despite these arguments, the force of the negative media made the
Ministry of Culture (which subsumes the Supreme Council of Antiquities)
sufficiently nervous that the capstone ritual was cancelled in December
1999. When I asked Hawass about these events, he justified the cancellation
in terms of the risk of error and potential threat to the monuments if the
capstone were lowered by helicopter at night. But he also conceded that
the journalists had created enough of a conspiracy theory atmosphere that
the cancellation was at least partly a response to their brouhaha. What can
explain the sensitivity of the Egyptologists and the Egyptian government
to a Masonic-themed ritual centering on the pharaonic monuments?
Since Napoleon’s conquest of Egypt in 1798, mysticism has flourished alongside archaeology as two occasionally intertwined aspects of the European
fascination with ancient Egypt. The first Masonic Lodge in Egypt, the Lodge
of Isis, was established by General Kleber, one of the top military figures in
the French occupation, and subsequently lodges with names like ‘Kawkab
al-Sharq’ (Star of the Orient), ‘Sphinx’, ‘Pyramids’, ‘Cheops’, and ‘New
Theories of pyramid building
Memphis’ were established by the French throughout Alexandria and, later,
Cairo (Raafat, 1999; Wissa, 1989). Freemasonry is fascinated with ancient
Egyptian architecture, and Egyptian symbolism is prevalent in Masonic
temples. (In one branch of Freemasonry, the Shriners, the men wear red
fezzes and the women are called ‘daughters of Isis’.) At least two of the
obelisks removed from Egypt under the British occupation were done so by
Freemasons or amidst Masonic rites, pointing to a link between the mystical
order and European despoliation of the ancient Egyptian sites during the
early years of Egyptology (Fagan, 1975; Noakes, 1962).
Freemasonry soon became a vehicle for political activity in c …
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